The ongoing, and highly encouraging, revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt, illustrate one simple, fundamental fact: the only thing that makes States fear for their existence is people on the streets. External threats, even when existential, just bolster the State and allow it to strengthen its internal grip along the lines of “if you’re not with us, you’re against us”. An external threat, real or imagined, is a handy pretext to suppress or marginalise internal dissent, as was so amply illustrated in the Cold War. Even if hot war breaks out, the State is in its element – as Randolph Bourne so famously said, “War is the health of the State”.
Amateur terrorism (to distinguish it from the professional, industrial terrorism practiced by States) is an irrelevance to the State, a pinprick at best. All of the efforts of Irish Republican guerrilla organisations failed to make more than a dent in the British State. They succeeded in bumping off a few of the ruling class (though a hell of a lot of the working class – thanks a feckin’ bundle, guys) and causing physical damage, but even if they’d managed to whack the full Cabinet in the Brighton bomb another would have emerged rapidly and the State would have been emboldened into declaring a state of emergency. As for destroying buildings, this was just accidental Keynesianism, a boost to the construction industry and urban regeneration. The jihadists are bungling amateurs in comparison and present no threat at all to the State.
Even when seriously dangerous urban guerrilla groups have been ‘effective’, in the sense of killing cops and members of the ruling class (the Red Brigade in Italy and Red Army Fraction in Germany come immediately to mind), they themselves haven’t threatened the State’s existence. In the case of Italy, of which I know a fair bit of recent history and speak the language, the Left urban guerrillas were more than matched by neo-fascist paramilitaries, shadowy groups in the State itself (Gladio, P2), and external forces (CIA). In terms of bombings, shootings and killings, the Brigate Rosse and other Left guerrillas were the most ‘successful’ such groups in Europe in the 70s and early 80s, but they still strengthened the State and provoked it (though this is a bit chicken and egg) into covert terrorism (the ‘strategy of tension‘). What did scare the living daylights out of the Italian State during the anni di piombo wasn’t the piombo but the workers, as Italy was experiencing very sharp class struggle in the 70s and early 80s, in the form of strikes and factory occupations, and revolution seemed imminent. The urban terrorists were an extreme outcome of class warfare but were really just a side-effect. It was revolting workers that put the shits up the ruling classes, not a few extremists with bombs. As anarchists often say: you can’t blow up a social relation.
Only when people get on the street en masse and get involved in direct action does the State really get scared, and a smart ‘modern’ State does its best to prevent this happening in the first place. The strategies – bread and circuses, divide and rule, distraction, external threats – are millennia-old, and change only in form over the ages. All of these are evident today in the actions of the UK State, distraction in particular. Many of the chatterati sing the praises of the Internet as a vehicle for ‘democratic change’, and listening to them you’d think that you could make a revolution by forming a Facebook group, writing blog posts and Twittering. That the Internet has added new dimensions to, and opportunities for, organisation is undoubted – it’s been an important organisational method in Tunisia and Egypt – but without action, literally, on the ground, a plethora of blogs and Twitter feeds and Facebook groups is not just an irrelevance to the State, it’s a positive aid. It gives the impression of pluralism and democracy in action, but a ‘blogsphere’ fragmented into hundreds of thousands of personal ranting boards actually aids power by diffusing any opposition into egocentric masturbation (this blog included!). The Internet fragments opposition, not coalesces it. Even if the ‘blogsphere’ were to speak with one voice, the State wouldn’t give a monkey’s. It might tweak and tack a bit, and one faction might gain ascendancy over another, but the status quo would be under no threat at all.
And States encourage this fragmentation. The UK State has, over the last two decades, gradually removed the space for public flesh-and-blood protest, offering ‘virtual’ online protest as a weak substitute. Once, you could, and people often did, just march off down the street to demonstrate, as I remember happening a few times in my youth. It’s a natural human tendency – you want to protest about something, you go ahead and do it. Now, you have to notify the cops weeks in advance, let them determine your route, have hundreds of stewards to keep protesters under order, be surveilled six ways from Sunday by CCTV and forward intelligence teams (FIT) [1], and make sure no-one says anything nasty that could be classed as ‘incitement’. Even then you end up being interned – sorry, ‘kettled’. Once, trades unions would hold mass meetings to make decisions. Now, all decisions have to be taken by secret postal ballot.
The aim of the State is: isolate, fragment, render irrelevant. The more people work in concert, and discuss and debate and argue face-to-face, and experience real direct action, the more their consciousness changes and the greater the threat they pose to our rulers. The more they’re isolated and individualised and gulled into passivity, the more they’re prone to fear, self-centredness, and acceptance of dominant realities as manufactured by the media. Action radicalises, inaction paralyses [2]. This has been known to rulers and ruled throughout history, and rulers have done their damnedest to keep people from acting together, either bluntly through repression and fear, or more subtly through distraction.
Once feet hit the street, and workers come out on strike, the State shits itself. Because when it comes down to it, there are a lot more of us plebs than there are rulers, and a lot more people than there are cops and soldiers.
One other thing that’s encouraging about the ongoing revolutions, and which befuddles the Western media and ruling classes: the revolutions have no leaders. They’ve been triumphs of spontaneity and self-organisation. What the Western media call “vigilantes” in Egypt are what would have been known as street councils in earlier revolutions (or even – gasp! – soviets). People acting together generate their own order. This has been a feature of pretty much all successful revolutions. What has also, sadly, been a regular feature has been the hijacking of revolutions by opportunists and chancers seeking power, and it’s my fervent hope that this doesn’t happen in Tunisia and Egypt. Perhaps this is where the Internet might be useful, in exposing such chancers and the lies that they use to gain power. Had such a worldwide instant web of knowledge and communication existed in 1917, there’s no way that the Bolsheviks would have got away with the absolute whopping and lethal lies that they told to cling on to power. The Internet can have its uses, but it can only ever be an aid to, not a cause of, revolutionary change.
[1] See also the excellent FIT Watch blog, exposing the Orwellian behaviour of FITs.
[2] This is the essence of the seemingly abstruse and niche, but highly influential, Situationist theory of the ‘Society of the Spectacle‘.